Since the military coup of August 18 in Mali which led to the overthrow of dictator Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, a liege of French imperialism, arrested then released and who was able to quietly go into exile in the United Arab Emirates, the main actors of the situation maneuver to protect their interests.
The army coup d'état was the provisional conclusion of a situation that had become unmanageable: marked by the collapse of the state, a deep division of the country, two-thirds of which were controlled by armed groups demanding the division of the country or simply warring to ensure the safety of their traffic and at the same time popular discontent linked to the disastrous conditions of life and security.
All this against the backdrop of French imperialist intervention: the Bhakane operation, which far from bringing peace to the region which is not its objective, participates in the spoliation of the country's property by ensuring the security of monopoly mining interests. This intervention is increasingly rejected by the Malians who rightly see it as a neo-colonial operation.
In this context, while the coup d 'état put an end to the dictatorial power, it did not in any way solve the problems of the future of Mali and we can see that a severe struggle to shape its course is going on.
The National Council for the Salvation of the People (CNSP) set up by the military is indeed far from being homogeneous and from being the only player on the ground. The imperialist forces have significant internal and external means to take and deflect the blow. On September 5 and 6 the CNSP began a dialogue with the forces opposing the dictatorship but these are not homogeneous either: there is the M5-RFP (Rassemblement des Forces Patriotiques) which rightly demands to be a privileged partner of the CNSP given its role in the popular unrest that preceded the coup and poses political conditions for the benefit of the people and the unity of Mali for a way out of the crisis; there is also the popular Salafist preacher Mahmoud Dicko who militates for an Islamic state and could serve as a backup if need be for the imperialist forces. Mali's environment also provides support for imperialism, thus the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has proclaimed a partial embargo on Mali and is making demands for a rapid transition to elections, which would have the main virtue of putting back in the saddle and legitimizing the old ruling apparatus.
The French army is still present in Mali but also in neighboring states and so far the CNSP has not requested changes to treaties and agreements with France nor has it objected to maintaining this occupying force. In France, the government affirms its intention to continue Operation Bahkane and rallies a broad spectrum of political forces to it. When voices are heard, they question more about the objectives of the operation than about the operation itself. Thus Mélenchon's party (France Unbowed) which calls for a debate in the National Assembly is careful not to denounce the imperialist intervention of France. For our part, we denounce it and fight it. There will be no real independence for Mali nor for other countries in the region without imperialist interventions ceasing.
Our solidarity goes to the political forces that want to put an end to the neocolonial forms of imperialism.